Women In Jainism - Book Summary

Here's a comprehensive summary of the provided text, "Women in Jainism" by Nalini Balbir, focusing on the key aspects discussed in the excerpt:

Overview of Jainism and Women's Inclusion:

Jainism, an ancient Indian religious movement, has always included women within its "fourfold sangha" (monks, nuns, laymen, laywomen). However, the precise religious status and role of women became a significant point of discussion, particularly contributing to the ancient sectarian division between the Svetambaras and Digambaras. It's crucial to note that most historical Jain texts were written by monks or male scholars, limiting direct female voices, except in recent times.

The Jain Nuns' Order:

Inclusion and Numbers: Unlike early Hinduism, Jainism, along with Buddhism and Ajivika, permitted women to enter the ascetic orders. Historical figures like Rşabha, Pärsya, and Mahavira had numerous female ascetics and laywomen among their followers, with some celebrated in later narratives. Notably, Jain texts often indicate a higher number of nuns than monks, a distinctive feature.
Initiation Restrictions: Svetambara texts specify that pregnant women and very young children (under eight) or those with small children are generally forbidden from receiving initiation.
Subordination and Restrictions: While monks and nuns share many rules, nuns are subjected to stricter regulations. These include limitations on the type of alms they can accept, places they can stay, and implements they can use. These restrictions are often attributed to a belief in women's greater fragility, particularly regarding the vow of chastity. This leads to nuns being subordinate to monks, even those initiated later, and requiring more years to attain higher positions. Titles like acarya and suri are not recorded for nuns; they have their own titles like ganini, pravartini, and mahattara. The conferral of these titles was historically dependent on male dignitaries.
Intellectual and Educational Status: While theoretical literature doesn't inherently argue against equality in learning and teaching, some texts criticize certain canonical texts as unsuitable for women due to perceived feminine traits. However, these criticisms are often seen as stemming from general prejudices rather than factual limitations. Literary evidence suggests that while learned nuns existed (e.g., Yåkini Mahattara), anonymity was common, and few signed their own works. Institutions like the Kuratti Adigal demonstrate that intellectual life could be vibrant among nuns.
Contemporary Nuns' Order: The general picture of the nuns' order remains similar to historical descriptions, with nuns outnumbering monks in most Svetambara subsects (Svetambaras, Sthanakvasins, Terapanthins), but not among Digambaras. Motivations for becoming nuns often include social factors (e.g., widowhood, hardship) and the opportunity for personal development through study.
Sectarian Differences in Education: Contemporary sects show variation. Sthanakvasins and Terapanthins believe in equal learning capacity for both sexes. However, the Murtipujaks (Tapagaccha school) teach that women's abilities are lesser, limiting their study of canonical texts and restricting access to certain scriptures.
Terapanthin Innovations: The Terapanthin sect has introduced notable initiatives like pre-initiation probation with extensive study, a greater emphasis on studying and copying texts, and the samana śreni category for women released from certain rules to focus on reading and writing, aiming to improve women's conditions.

Jain Laywomen:

Importance of the Laity: The laity forms the economic backbone of Jainism, supporting the mendicant order through gifts in exchange for religious teachings. Laywomen contribute significantly to the community's sustenance.
Primary Responsibility: Food Preparation: A key role for laywomen is preparing food for monks and nuns, which involves adhering to numerous prescriptions. Narrative literature often highlights women as the primary donors of alms.
Normative Literature and Gender: Jain normative literature (śrāvakācāra) often uses the male as the paradigm, with discussions on marital fidelity, for example, primarily addressing men. Specific rules concerning womanhood are found in rarer passages.
Role in Family and Community: Women's dharma is often summarized by sila (perfect wife), reflecting loyalty to husbands. Physical chastity is seen as equivalent to spiritual purity, blurring the lines between worldly and spiritual life. Men typically work outside, while women manage the home, contributing to family prestige through donations. Women are considered best suited for managing food and, with limitations, worship. They also ensure the community's reproduction through marriage and religious instruction to children.
Fasting (Tapas): Fasting is a significant aspect of female religiosity, serving as a penance and a means of demonstrating family honor and inner purity. Various types of fasts exist, some specific to women. Successful fasting enhances a woman's reputation and garners respect. Breaking a fast often involves communal celebration, fostering social cohesion.
Worship: While all Jains are expected to worship, women often do so more regularly and with greater leisure, supplementing temple worship with home rituals. However, limitations can exist. In some Svetambara traditions, women may be excluded from rituals requiring higher purity (e.g., direct contact with images), and certain schools (e.g., Kharataragaccha) prohibit women from worshipping Jina images. Digambaras may not allow women to wash images. These restrictions reflect a tension between Jain doctrine and pan-Indian beliefs about female impurity. The right to perform specific pujas in Svetambara temples can be determined by auction, with women often needing to participate with their husbands.

The Jain Image of Woman and Theological Consequences:

Pan-Indian Prejudices: Jains share common Indian prejudices about women being weak-minded, fickle, treacherous, and impure. The Jain emphasis on ahimsa (non-violence) also leads to criticisms of the female body hosting numerous beings.
Woman as a Symbol of Attachment: In Jainism, where asceticism is paramount, women are often portrayed negatively as symbols of attachment and a threat to a monk's vow of chastity. "Talks with/about women" (itthikahā) are considered "bad talks." Violating chastity is seen as undermining renunciation and ahimsa, as sexual intercourse involves harming living beings.
Woman and Emancipation Debate: A significant theological debate centers on whether women can achieve emancipation (moksha/nirvana).
- Digambaras: Argue that women cannot attain emancipation directly. Their inability to go naked (a prerequisite for emancipation) and their perceived inherent impurity are key arguments. Rebirth as a man is seen as a necessary intermediate step.
- Svetambaras: Contend that women can attain emancipation without necessarily being reborn as men. They counter Digambara arguments by referencing exemplary women and arguing that criticisms leveled at women can also apply to men. They also dispute the logic linking women's inability to be reborn in the lowest hell to their inability to achieve emancipation.
Clothing and Emancipation: The Digambara stance that nudity is essential for emancipation is countered by the Svetambaras, who argue that giving up clothes is not conform to the rule and that attachment is not solely tied to clothing but to acquisitive egotism, which can be present even in nudity.
Laywomen and Equality: While the debate on spiritual equality exists, Svetambara texts increasingly advocate for the equal treatment of laywomen and laymen, recognizing their right faith, knowledge, and conduct, and their commitment to the Jain doctrine. They argue that criticisms of women are meant to liberate those too attached to them, and that while some women exhibit negative traits, many possess virtues, and their mothers are revered.
Mahavira's Biography: The differing views on women are reflected in the biographies of the 24th Tirthankara, Mahavira. Digambaras emphasize his renunciation at a young age and overcoming love. Svetambaras, however, acknowledge his marriage and daughter, attempting to justify these aspects by referencing earlier Tirthankaras. This difference might highlight the Digambara emphasis on direct renunciation versus the Svetambara view of a preliminary stage of household life.
Malli and Gender: The debate is further exemplified by the story of the 19th Jina, Malli. Svetambaras portray Malli as the female rebirth of an ascetic who achieved Jinahood. Digambaras, however, maintain Malli was male, often citing iconographic evidence of masculine depictions.
Female Deities and Reverence: Jain mythology developed a pantheon with significant female deities, including the mothers of Tirthankaras (especially Marudevi, mother of Rsabha, as the "first emancipated soul"). Goddesses like Sarasvati and the vidyadevis (knowledge-bearing goddesses) embody learning. The yaksini attendants of Jinas, like Cakreśvari, Padmavati, and Ambika, became prominent goddesses worshipped for worldly assistance and protection, embodying benevolent maternal figures.

Conclusion:

The text highlights two irreconcilable theological positions regarding women in Jainism:

Digambara "Theology of Subordination": Views women as ontologically, intellectually, and morally inferior, incapable of reaching emancipation.
Svetambara "Theology of Equivalence": Affirms the equal value of men and women as human persons, both entitled to emancipation.

However, limitations exist to this dichotomy. The law of karma means that womanhood, being karmically determined, is not permanent, thus no one is permanently excluded from emancipation. Furthermore, even the "theology of equivalence" can be influenced by general Indian prejudices against women, leading to subtle insinuations of inferiority. Consequently, despite the large numbers of nuns, their position in the religious hierarchy has been subordinate to monks, and leadership roles have been largely denied.