Sati Pratha Aur Jain Dharm

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First page of Sati Pratha Aur Jain Dharm

Summary

Here is a comprehensive summary of the Jain text "Sati Pratha aur Jain Dharm" (Sati Practice and Jainism) by Sagarmal Jain, based on the provided PDF content:

The Concept of 'Sati' and its Distinction from Sati Pratha in Jainism

The term 'Sati' in Jainism, like in Hinduism, initially referred to a virtuous and chaste woman. In the Shvetambar Sthanakvasi Jain tradition, Sadhvis (female ascetics) are still addressed as 'Sati' or 'Mahasati'. While in Hinduism, the term 'Sati' later became specifically associated with the practice of sati pratha (widow immolation), the Jain concept of 'Sati' is fundamentally different. Jainism highly respects 'Sati' and 'Sati-hood' but does not endorse the practice of sati pratha.

The Sixteen Jain Saties and their True Meaning

Jain tradition reveres sixteen famous 'Saties', whose names are recited daily along with those of the Tirthankaras. These include figures like Brahmī, Chandanbalika, Rajamati, Draupadi, Kausalya, Mrigavati, Sulasa, Sita, Subhadra, Shiva, Kunti, Shīlavati, Nal's wife, Chula, Prabhāvati, and Padmavati. However, their biographies, found in Jain scriptures, commentaries, and ancient Jain literature, reveal that none of them immolated themselves on their husband's funeral pyre. Instead, these women are celebrated for their virtuous lives, their strong struggles to protect their chastity, and their eventual renunciation of worldly life by becoming nuns or, in unavoidable circumstances, choosing death to preserve their honor. Some women, like Dharini (mother of Chandana), are mentioned in commentaries as having performed dehotsarga (self-sacrifice) to protect their chastity. Therefore, a 'Sati' in Jainism is not one who follows her husband in death, but one who steadfastly guards her virtue, even at the cost of her life.

The Justification and Non-Justification of Sati Pratha

The question of the justification of sati pratha is a widely discussed and contentious issue, considered a tragic outcome of a patriarchal culture. While some scholars attribute its rise to the insecurity felt by women during Muslim invasions and the threat of sexual violence, the author argues that the seeds of this practice predate such invasions.

  • Two Forms of Sati Pratha:

    1. The Abominable Form: Women were forced against their will to immolate themselves with their deceased husbands.
    2. The Devotional Form: Women voluntarily followed their husbands into the pyre out of deep love or the belief that they would be reunited in the afterlife.
  • Jain Perspective on these Forms: Jain acharyas (preceptors) did not deem either of these forms acceptable.

    • Forcing a widow to immolate herself was considered a barbaric act of killing a sentient being, a grave sin, and a crime.
    • Voluntary immolation due to emotional attachment or the desire for posthumous reunion was considered suicide, driven by attachment (rāga), and therefore also a sinful act.
    • The belief that immolation would ensure reunion with the husband in the afterlife was rejected by Jainism, which states that one's afterlife depends on one's own karma, not on following a spouse.
  • A Jain-Approved Form of Dehotsarga: Jain acharyas did, however, approve of self-sacrifice for the sake of protecting one's chastity (śīla), whether the husband was alive or deceased. If a woman found herself in a situation where death was the only option to preserve her virtue, then choosing death was considered meritorious.

Jainism's Stance on Widowhood and Renunciation

Jainism emphasizes that being a pativrata (devoted wife) means being virtuous and chaste, not necessarily dying with the husband. After a husband's death, a widow's primary duty was to raise her children with restraint and discipline, like Bhadra Sarthavahi of Rajagrihi, or to embrace the monastic life once her children were grown. Jain acharyas consistently advocated for becoming a nun over immolating oneself.

  • Contrasting with Hindu Narratives: While Hindu scriptures mention the sati of Krishna's wives, Jain literature describes them becoming nuns. Similarly, while Sita in Hindu epics merges with the earth, in Jain tradition, she becomes a nun after her sons grow up. These narratives, though possibly legendary, clearly illustrate the Jain acharyas' disapproval of sati pratha.

Reasons for the Non-Development of Sati Pratha in Jainism

The primary reasons for the lack of development of sati pratha in Jainism are:

  1. The Existence of the Bhikshuni Sangha (Order of Nuns): Jainism provided a respectable avenue for widows to overcome the psychological drivers of sati pratha—insecurity and disrespect. By joining the bhikshuni sangha, women could find security, respect, and spiritual growth. In contrast, Hindu widows often faced social ostracism, making sati seem like a preferable escape.
  2. Economic Independence: Jain women could also achieve economic security through begging (alms) and by managing their businesses, as exemplified by figures like Bhadra Sarthavahi. Jainism also recognized women's right to property, unlike some interpretations in Hinduism. This prevented financial desperation from driving women to immolation.

The Influence of Societal Norms and Later Deviations

Despite its religious tenets, Jain society was influenced by the broader Hindu society where sati pratha was prevalent.

  • Evidence of Sati in Jain Communities: Some later Jain inscriptions, particularly from the Rajput period in Rajasthan, do mention Jain women becoming sati. This was likely due to the influence of the surrounding Hindu culture, especially in Jain families closely connected to royal lineages.
  • Examples: Agarchand Nahata documented 28 oswal (a Jain community) sati monuments in Bikaner, dating from the 15th to 19th centuries. He notes that while the Jain perspective condemned such acts as ignorance-driven suicide, the practice existed within the oswal community due to warrior caste traditions and close ties with Rajput communities. Examples include the wives of Tarachand Kapadia (brother of Bhamashah) and even instances of women sacrificing themselves for their sons.
  • Limited Prevalence: It is important to note that these instances were likely limited to specific families with strong connections to royal or warrior traditions and do not represent a widespread adoption of the practice by the Jain community as a whole.
  • Continued Emphasis on Renunciation: Even in these cases, Jain scriptures and acharyas continued to advocate for widows joining the bhikshuni sangha rather than practicing sati.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the author firmly states that Jainism, from a religious and doctrinal standpoint, never supported or sanctioned sati pratha. The core principles of Jainism, such as the emphasis on chastity, the establishment of a respected order of nuns, and the provision for women's security and dignity, effectively countered the factors that led to the prevalence of sati pratha in other communities. While societal influences led to limited instances of sati within some Jain families in later periods, these were exceptions and did not reflect the accepted religious or ethical teachings of Jainism. The consistent Jain ideal for a widow was to embrace a life of virtue and, if necessary, spiritual pursuit through monasticism.