Paurpat Anvay 1 - Book Summary

Here is a comprehensive summary of the provided Jain text, "Paurpat Anvay 1" by Fulchandra Jain Shastri, in English:

Book Title: Paurpat Anvay 1 Author: Fulchandra Jain Shastri Publisher: Z_Jaganmohanlal_Pandit_Sadhuwad_Granth_012026.pdf Catalog Link: https://jainqq.org/explore/211374/1

This text, "Paurpat Anvay 1," is the first part of a larger work by Pt. Fulchandra Siddhanta Shastri. It delves into the historical origins and development of caste-like distinctions within Jainism, focusing particularly on the "Paurpat" or "Parwar" community.

I. The Early Period of Jain Castes:

The author begins by contrasting Jainism with the Vedic religion, noting that while Jainism did not originally accept the caste system (which is seen as a Vedic invention based on birth), it eventually incorporated such distinctions. This adoption, the author suggests, likely took root during or shortly after the time of Lord Mahavira. While ancient Jain scriptures don't explicitly mention current castes, they do refer to clans and lineages, such as Mahavira's birth in the "Jnatrik" clan, which is seen as the precursor to the modern "Jaghariya" caste.

The early Jain Sangha, according to tradition, was divided into four groups: monks (muni), nuns (apika), laymen (shravak), and laywomen (shravika). The concept of a structured assembly (samavasharan) in the current era (Avasarpini) with separate chambers for different types of beings, including distinct sections for women of all kinds, but only one for all men, indicates that a rigid social hierarchy might not have been prevalent before Mahavira. The author posits that if any such social divisions existed prior to Mahavira, they held no religious significance.

To understand the beginnings of caste in Jainism, one must look beyond purely religious texts. The author points to the "Ratnakaranda Shravakachara" (circa 1st century CE) which lists "kula" (lineage) and "jati" (caste) pride among the twenty-five flaws of right faith (samyak darshan). The prohibition of such pride indicates that caste distinctions had already infiltrated Jain society by this time. While lineage pride was understandable even in earlier Puranic periods, caste pride suggests a more specific social stratification. The author hypothesizes that the term "jati" may have initially referred to broader categories, akin to Brahmins, Kshatriyas, etc., which later became entrenched as birth-based castes, influencing Jain society as well. This is further supported by the prohibition of "kula-mada" (lineage pride) alongside "jati-mada" (caste pride) by Samantabhadra.

Key historical observations regarding the emergence of caste:

Early texts mention lineages and clans: Indicating social grouping, though not necessarily birth-based castes.
Mahavira's era: While not explicitly mentioning castes, some clan names existed.
First Century CE: The "Ratnakaranda Shravakachara" shows the presence of "kula" and "jati" pride, suggesting the entry of caste distinctions.
Possible influence of Vedic caste system: Jainism, though initially opposed, gradually adopted these social stratifications.
Shifting terminology: The word "varna" (class/color) may have been used interchangeably with "jati" (caste), particularly after the Brahmanical tradition emphasized birth over karma.
Regional and behavioral differences: Over time, geographical dispersion and variations in practices likely contributed to the formation of distinct groups.
Patronage of Brahmins: The author notes that Brahamins, establishing themselves in villages, promoted Vedic religion, influencing social structures.

The Role of Caste in Jainism:

The text acknowledges that Jainism, despite being anti-caste in principle, couldn't entirely escape its influence. This was due to several factors:

Decline in Jain Preachers: The absence of knowledgeable and wandering Jain monks meant a decline in direct religious dissemination, weakening the community's hold on its original principles.
Dominance of Vedic Influence: The growing influence of Vedic religion, supported by Brahmin scholars, led to the integration of caste into societal norms.

The author cites Somadeva's verse: "All Jain methods are valid if they do not harm right faith and vows." This suggests that Jainism had to accommodate caste as a secular practice to maintain its social presence.

II. The Organization of the Paurpat (Parwar) Anvay:

The text then focuses on the "Paurpat Anvay" (later known as "Parwar"). It identifies three main bases for its organization:

"Purane Jain" (Old Jains): These are the original Jain followers whose customs and beliefs influenced the formation of new groups.
"Pragvat Anvay": The author argues that the Paurpat Anvay developed from the Pragvat Anvay.
"Parwar Anvay": The current name for this lineage.

Development of the Paurpat Anvay:

Connection to Pragvat Anvay: The author presents evidence from inscriptions and temple architecture in regions like Bundelkhand, Gujarat, and Mewar to support the theory that the Paurpat Anvay originated from the Pragvat Anvay. This is further strengthened by references to the "Vasall" clan being descendants of the Pragvat Anvay.
The "Pragvat" Identity: The term "Pragvat" is linked to the eastern parts of the Arbuda mountains (Arbudanchal) and the "Purmandal" region. The author cites historical texts and scholars like Gauri Shankar Hirachand Ojha, who suggest that "Pragvat" referred to people living in the eastern parts of Mewar, possibly originating from a town named "Pur."
Contribution of Parmar Dynasty: The text highlights the significant role of the Parmar dynasty in the development of the Pragvat Anvay, suggesting that many Parmar clans were initiated into the Pragvat Anvay. The name "Paurpat" itself is linked to this association.
Guptigupta and the "Thousand Parwars": A crucial point is the mention of Muni Guptigupta from the Parmar dynasty, who, according to some historical records, initiated a thousand "Parwar" families. This suggests a strong connection between the Parmar clan and the emergence of the Parwar community.
Scholarly Debates: The author acknowledges differing opinions, such as those of Daulat Singh Lodha, who disputes the direct lineage of the Parwars from the Pragvat community and emphasizes the distinct Brahmanical origins of Parwar gotras. However, the author counters this by referencing historical accounts of Shvetambaras suppressing Digambaras, potentially forcing Digambara families into migration and assimilation.

III. The Name "Paurpat" or "Paurpatt":

The author explores the etymology of "Paurpat" and "Paurpatt."

"Paur" and "Pat/Patt": "Paur" likely relates to geographical locations like "Pur" (in Mewar), "Porawa" (near Porbandar in Gujarat), or "Purmandal." The "pat" or "patt" suffix might signify a "site" or "assembly."
Grammatical Considerations: While "wad" can become "wat" grammatically, the derivation of "pat" from "wad" is considered less straightforward, suggesting a different origin or meaning.
Inscriptional Evidence: Numerous inscriptions from the 11th to 15th centuries CE refer to the Anvay as "Paurpatanvay" or "Paurpattanvay," confirming these as the earlier names.
"Paurpat" as a Descriptor of Digambara Affiliation: The author suggests that the name "Paurpat" or "Paurpatt" was intentionally chosen to reflect the adherence to the original Digambara, Mulasangha, Kundakunda Amnaya tradition, which was being challenged by other sects.

IV. The "Parwar" Community and its Divisions:

The text details the evolution and subdivisions of the Parwar community.

Origin and Migration: The Parwar community originated from the Pragvat and surrounding regions of Gujarat and Mewar. Due to religious persecution and the rise of Shvetambara influence, many Digambara families migrated to Bundelkhand for refuge, with Chanderi becoming a significant center.
Sub-divisions (Bhed-Prabhed): The author lists various subdivisions of the Parwar community, citing different sources like "Buddhi Vilas," "Jati Bhaskar," and Dr. Vilas A. Sangave's work. These include:
- Athasakha: The most prevalent today, adhering to the Saraswati Gachchha and Balakar Gana of the Mulasangha.
- Chhasakha: Some of these have converted to the Taranpanthi sect.
- Dosasakha: Their current status is uncertain, but they may have also adopted Taranpanthi beliefs.
- Gangad/Gangre: Likely originated from the Padmavati Mool with the Goilh gotra.
- Padmavati Parwar: With the Vasall gotra, some have adopted "Bish Panth" beliefs, leading to a mix of Jain and non-Jain families.
- Sorathiya Parwar: Primarily from Saurashtra, most have likely converted to Shvetambara.
- Other listed divisions include Sedasaraha, Dosakha, and Maliporwar.
Loss of Original Identity: The author laments the gradual forgetting of the original name "Paurpat" and the potential loss of cultural and religious identity within the community, leading to practices that deviate from original Jain tenets.
Historical Significance of Subdivisions: The existence of numerous subdivisions and the lack of intermarriage between them is seen as a factor in the weakening of the community over time.
Endurance of Mulasangha Tradition: Despite the various subdivisions and migrations, the author emphasizes that the Paurpat Anvay has largely maintained its adherence to the Mulasangha Kundakunda Amnaya, particularly the Saraswati Gachchha and Balakar Gana, making them instrumental in keeping this tradition alive.

In essence, "Paurpat Anvay 1" is a detailed historical and etymological exploration of the origins and development of the Parwar community within Jainism. It highlights the gradual assimilation of caste-like structures, the influence of geographical and political factors, and the enduring adherence to the Mulasangha tradition by this significant section of the Jain populace.