Jain Ekta Ka Prashna

Here is a comprehensive summary of the Jain text "Jain Ekta ka Prashna" by Sagarmal Jain, translated into English:

The book "Jain Ekta ka Prashna" (The Question of Jain Unity) by Dr. Sagarmal Jain, published by Prachya Vidyapith Shajapur, addresses the critical issue of disunity within the Jain community. The author begins by highlighting that Jainism, despite being a major world religion, is a minority religion with a global population of not more than 5 million out of 3 billion people. The core of the problem lies in its fragmentation into numerous sects and sub-sects.

Key Issues and Problems Identified:

• Sectarian Divisions:

  • Major Divisions: Digambar and Shvetambar.
  • Digambar Sub-sects: Bispanti, Terapanth, Tarunpanth, and a recent sect of Kanji Swami followers.
  • Shvetambar Sub-sects: Murti-pujak, Sthanakvasi, and Terapanthi. Within Murti-pujak and Sthanakvasi, there are further divisions into various gachhas. The Terapanthi sect is also experiencing fragmentation with the emergence of Navterapanth.
  • Historical Sects: The 'Yapaniya' sect existed as a connecting link between Shvetambar and Digambar traditions from the 2nd to the 15th century CE. The 'Kavipanthis' of Shrimad Rajchandra also form a distinct, though small, sect.
  • The author laments the lack of a unifying force to connect these dispersed groups, with the India Jain Mahamandal being a current effort in this direction.

• Casteism and Social Divisions:

  • Beyond religious divisions, the Jain society is also divided into numerous castes and sub-castes (e.g., Agarwal, Khandelwal, Bagherwal, Modh).
  • Historically, there were strict restrictions on inter-dining and marriage between these castes, which have now relaxed for dining but remain strong for marriage.
  • A concerning aspect is that a Jain family from one caste might marry into a Vaishnav family of the same caste, but would hesitate to marry into a Jain family of a different caste.
  • New castes like Veerwal and Dharmapal have emerged due to conversions, but they too lack social integration.
  • The author emphasizes that these divisions, both sectarian and caste-based, hinder emotional unity. He argues that inter-caste marriages and social equality are crucial for lasting emotional unity. The distinctions like 'Dasa' and 'Bisa' within castes and the perception of superiority and inferiority must be abolished. While eradicating caste differences entirely might be impossible, achieving social equality and inter-marriages can significantly reduce these barriers. The author attributes casteism to the influence of Brahmanical culture on Jainism, urging Jains to abandon these divisive walls to foster true social unity.

• The Poison of Communalism (Sectarianism):

  • Jain society's resources (labor, strength, wealth) are wasted in internal conflicts, disputes over holy sites and temples, ego-driven exhibitions, ostentatious displays, and competitive events, instead of constructive work.
  • Immense amounts of money are spent on temple disputes that could have been used to build multiple grand temples.
  • The author cites examples of ongoing conflicts at pilgrimage sites like Antariksha Parshwanath, Maksi, and Kesariyaji, lamenting the mistreatment of idols (e.g., pouring hot water, altering eye depictions) and the lack of internal remorse within the community.
  • He questions how a society that protects ants can engage in violence against humans, citing the bloodshed during conflicts.
  • The venomous exchanges in newspapers and magazines, designed to incite negative emotions, are disturbing to enlightened thinkers.
  • The annual wastage of crores of rupees on ostentatious ceremonies like Gajaraths, Panchakalyanaks, and Pratishtha ceremonies is heartbreaking for a society that values frugality. While grand events are not inherently bad, they lose their meaning when associated with sectarian bigotry and envy.
  • The proliferation of multiple temples and religious schools in single villages or streets, often lacking the artistic grandeur of places like Abu or Ranakpur, highlights this wasteful competition. The lack of well-equipped libraries and research centers is also noted.
  • The author points out that many educational centers were established out of sectarian competition, but failed to progress due to a lack of overall community support.

• Why Unity is Necessary:

  • Preventing Wastage: To stop the squandering of societal resources on inter-sectarian envy and competition. This wastage diverts energy from societal service and religious propagation.
  • Effective Service and Propagation: Lack of unity prevents planned societal service and religious outreach. While unplanned service activities exist, their impact is diminished. The author notes that despite numerous Jain colleges and schools, few Jain teachers are employed, and there's limited provision for studying Jain philosophy, literature, and Prakrit language. Similarly, the lack of direct involvement in Jain-run hospitals prevents deeper community connection, unlike Christian missionary hospitals. Societal disunity also hinders large-scale projects like well-equipped hospitals or Jain universities.
  • Survival and Influence: In a democratic system, a community's voice is heard based on its organized voting power and social influence. A decentralized and undisciplined religion/society lacks both. While some influential individuals have maintained Jain influence in India, this is due to personal talent, not the community's collective strength. The author warns that without unity, the Jain community risks becoming negligible, quoting "Sanghe shaktiḥ kal Yuge" (In the age of Kali, strength lies in the collective).

• Root Cause of Disunity - The Hunger for Prestige:

  • The author identifies the "hunger for prestige" as the primary driver of disunity. When a monk or scholar gains a little popularity, they tend to establish their own following, institution, and publication, leading to fragmentation.
  • The fundamental point of faith shifts from Mahavir or his teachings to the individual monk, acharya, or scholar.
  • He observes that many monks and nuns in the Sthanakvasi community praise their current gurus before, during, and after discourses, and even compose hymns in their honor.
  • This focus on personality worship, a departure from Jainism's original nature as a religion revering qualities, is the cause of disunity. He calls for the cessation of individualistic praise and a focus on Tirthankaras during public gatherings. Respect for gurus is important, but the center of faith should be detachment and equanimity, not individuals.
  • This personality worship fuels the ego of both the worshipper and the worshipped, leading to moral lapses. The author criticizes the abundance of felicitation ceremonies and commemorative volumes that further boost ego.
  • Ego, described as a subtle poison, is hard to overcome. When this ego is challenged or ambition is ignited by envy, individuals create their own factions, leading to the emergence of new sects, as evidenced in Jain scriptures.

• The Origin and Resolution of Sectarian Conflicts:

  • Sectarian conflicts do not stem from doctrinal diversity but from human attachment, ego, and selfishness.
  • When individuals consider their guru or tradition as the sole truth, sectarian animosity arises.
  • Valid Reasons for Sects: Differing perspectives on truth, adaptations to time and place, and amendments to existing traditions.
  • Invalid Reasons for Sects: Ideological stubbornness, insult to individuals, ambition for fame, and disagreements with existing groups.
  • The author argues that while doctrinal differences can lead to the formation of new traditions, they become problematic when coupled with self-interest, ego, ambition, and envy, leading to religious fanaticism and intolerance. This, in turn, breeds religious skepticism in the modern scientific age.
  • While external rules might differ, a broader, non-prejudiced view can find unifying principles.

• How to End Sectarian Animosity:

  • Intolerance arises from the belief that one's own guru or sect is the only truth, and others are false. The author warns against the delusion that the sun of truth shines only on one's own house.
  • Jainism's principle of Anekantavada (non-absolutism) recognizes that truth can be understood and expressed by others.
  • The contradiction between proclaiming Anekantavada and sectarianism is highlighted. One cannot be a true Jain and be sectarian.
  • True Jainism, defined by Syadvada (conditional predication), absence of partisanship, and causing no harm, is incompatible with sectarian animosity.
  • The author points out the hypocrisy of Jains advocating for Ahimsa (non-violence) while engaging in conflict with fellow Jains, citing incidents at Antariksha Parshwanath and Kesariyaji. Similarly, proclaiming Anekanta while viewing all other sects as misguided is a contradiction. The principle of Aparigraha (non-possession) is also violated by legal disputes over temple properties, even using the name of the non-possessing Lord.
  • He criticizes the prevalent practices as mere show, with Anekanta, Ahimsa, and Aparigraha failing to integrate into daily life. This leads to a situation where spiritual saints lament the divisions.
  • The core problem is the pursuit of personal gain and prestige under the guise of sects and gachhas, using Mahavir's teachings for self-promotion. The author urges a focus on internalizing the principles of non-violence, non-attachment, and selflessness.

• Resolving Sectarian Differences:

  • The Question of Vestments (Sachalata vs. Achalata):

    • The dispute between Shvetambar and Digambar over monks' nudity. Both traditions accept Mahavir as Nirvastra (unclothed) and also accept the clothed state of nuns, laymen, and laywomen.
    • Shvetambar scriptures, while advocating for clothed practitioners, also support the unclothed state of monks and Jinkalpis (monks who followed Mahavir's ideal practice).
    • The author suggests that as sectarianism grew, Shvetambaras declared the end of the Jinkalpa tradition, while Digambaras rejected earlier scriptural literature.
    • He analyzes the Acharaanga Sutra, which primarily supports the unclothed state of monks, allowing for a loincloth for modesty and additional garments in winter, to be relinquished in summer.
    • The author points out that even Digambaras have historically succumbed to worldly influences, with practices like living in temples, accepting land donations, and wearing clothes. The rise of Bhattaraks in the medieval period, who were often clothed, led to the near disappearance of truly unclothed Digambar monks.
    • He acknowledges that the ideal of asceticism is not easily practiced, and both Shvetambar and Digambar monks have deviated from the highest scriptural ideals.
    • He proposes accepting two categories of monks: unclothed and clothed. Digambaras should cease insisting that clothed monks are not monks, and Shvetambaras should acknowledge the spiritual superiority of unclothed monks.
    • Considering that neither tradition fully adheres to ancient scriptural practices, an impartial scholarly committee could propose a code of conduct regarding vestments and possessions, taking into account scriptures and current circumstances.

  • The Question of Female Liberation (Stree Mukti):

    • This is another major dispute between Shvetambar and Digambar. Shvetambar scriptures support the possibility of female liberation, while some Digambar texts (like Kundakunda's works) deny it. However, some scholars find support for female liberation in Digambar texts like Mulachara.
    • The author argues that liberation is a matter of the soul, not the body, and that the soul is neither male nor female. Liberation depends on the presence or absence of attachment and anger, not on one's gender in a particular life.
    • He asserts that anyone who overcomes attachment, anger, ego, and greed (kashayas) will be liberated, regardless of their form. The notion that a soul in a female body cannot achieve liberation is an unsupported assertion.
    • Given that both traditions believe no one will be liberated from Bharatkshetra for the next 82,000 years and that the Jain dispensation will end in 19,000 years, this debate seems irrelevant to their current lifespans.
    • The core principle should be that liberation comes from overcoming kashayas.

  • The Question of the Omniscient's Diet (Kevali Kabalahar):

    • The Shvetambar view of the Kevali (omniscient) consuming food is considered more rational and practical by the author, as the body requires sustenance. However, the Digambar view that a Kevali, being free from desire, would not eat is also logically understandable.
    • He notes the lack of explicit mentions of Mahavir consuming food after attaining omniscience even in Shvetambar scriptures, which is a point for consideration.
    • For emotional unity, it's sufficient to accept that a Kevali does not actively seek or desire food.
    • This dispute is also deemed less important as no Kevali is expected in the next 82,000 years.

  • The Question of Idol Worship (Murti Puja):

    • This is a significant point of contention, with Tarapanthis (Digambar) and Sthanakvasi/Terapanthis (Shvetambar) opposing it.
    • The author traces the history of idol worship, noting that early Jain scriptures like Acharaanga and Sutrakrutanga do not explicitly mention idols or idol worship.
    • While later scriptures mention the worship of Yakshas and Yakshinis, references to Jina-pratima (idol of a Tirthankara) are scarce and come from later texts, with some scholars dating these scriptures to post-sectarian division.
    • Literary and archaeological evidence for idol worship before or during Mahavir's time is lacking. A small nude male terracotta figurine from Harappa, claimed to be a Jina idol, is controversial.
    • Early accounts of Mahavir's life do not mention him visiting or worshipping Jina temples, though they do mention visits to Yaksha shrines. Jain texts up to the 2nd-3rd century BCE are silent on Jina idols.
    • The author states that archaeological evidence confirms the existence of Jina idol construction around 150-200 years after Mahavir's Nirvana (3rd-4th century BCE). The oldest available idol is from Lohanipur (Patna Museum), dating back to the 3rd century BCE, exhibiting Digambar characteristics.
    • He acknowledges that while the scriptural evidence for Mahavir endorsing idol worship is debated, the tradition of constructing and worshipping Jina idols spans nearly 2200-2300 years. Jina statues and temples are considered vital heritage.
    • The opposition to idol worship began around the 16th century, possibly influenced by Islam, as proponents like Lokashah and Tarun Swami were officials under Muslim rulers. However, internal factors like increasing ostentation, support for violence in rituals, and complex ceremonies also contributed to this opposition.
    • The author suggests that a decision based on common sense and utility, rather than strict adherence to later scriptural interpretations, could lead to a harmonious conclusion. He notes that the Brahmanical influence is seen in practices like Yajna and the worship of deities like Chakreshwari, Manibhadra, Yaksha, and Bhairava, which are not core to Jain principles.
    • He argues that human civilization has always been attracted to symbols and representations. All forms of worship, whether of trees, stupas, or scriptures, are symbolic. Even in Islam, practices like kissing the Kaaba stone or venerating the Prophet's hair are symbolic.
    • He observes that even in homes of idol-opposing Jains, pictures of parents, gurus, and saints are common and revered. Some even perform dhup-deep dan (offering incense and lamps) before these pictures.
    • While Nirguna-upasana (worship of the formless) is a higher state, complete opposition to idols is not appropriate. Idols can serve as aids for remembrance, concentration, and purification of feelings.
    • The author warns against viewing idols as God itself, as this leads to superstitions and miraculous claims. He questions why such miracle-performing protective deities don't resolve temple disputes. He advocates for connecting idols with practice, not miracles.
    • He notes that early Shvetambaras also worshipped nude idols, and many idols in Mathura were consecrated by Shvetambar acharyas. The differences in idols (e.g., ornamentation, crystal eyes) emerged much later, after the sect division.
    • He suggests that worshipping simple meditative idols (Padmasana mudra) without adornments like loincloths, gemstones for eyes, etc., would be a better option, but this should only happen if the sects merge, otherwise, disputes will continue.
    • Regarding worship rituals, he recommends adopting the Digambar Terapanth practice of worshipping with inanimate substances (achit dravya), minimizing violence. Yajnas in Jain temples should be immediately stopped, as they are entirely Brahmanical influences. The focus should be on Bhava Puja (worship through emotion) and internalizing the qualities of the Lord.

  • The Question of the Mouth Cloth (Mukhavastrika):

    • Sthanakvasi and Shvetambar-Terapanthis always wear a mouth cloth tied with a string.
    • The author states that the mouth cloth evolved after Mahavir, with no concrete evidence he used one. Early parts of Acharaanga do not mention it.
    • While its use has been prevalent in Shvetambar tradition for about 2000 years, there's no strong historical evidence for tying it with a string before the 17th-18th century.
    • The primary purpose is to protect micro-organisms. Tying it with a string is a matter of convenience.
    • For unity, it's suggested that it be worn during discourses and used cautiously at other times.

  • The Dispute over Charity and Compassion (Daya-Dan):

    • The main dispute between Shvetambar-Terapanth and other Jain sects concerns charity and compassionate acts.
    • While Acharya Bhikshu revolutionized the Sthanakvasi community by addressing ritualistic deviations, the core issue was a difference in ideology regarding activities that might involve minimal violence for the welfare of the world. Acharya Bhikshu did not consider such activities part of religious practice.
    • Although this stance might have been supported by the principle of absolute non-violence and some scriptural evidence, it goes against benevolent public welfare and makes Jainism a subject of criticism.
    • Acharya Tulsi of Terapanth, being practical, recognized this and encouraged lay followers to engage in welfare activities, even if just for public relations. This led to criticism from orthodox Terapanthis, but he courageously made this change, as seen in educational institutions in Ranawas and the Ayurvedic center in Ladnun.
    • Today, no Terapanth monk openly declares that offering food to monks of other sects or serving those considered less disciplined is a sin. This is a positive sign, reducing the distance between Terapanth and other Jain sects and preventing public criticism.
    • The author stresses that the importance of service and charity in practical life must be acknowledged.

• What Should Be the Form of Our Unity?

  • Ideal Scenario (Absorption): The most ideal form of unity would be for all sects to dissolve their identities and merge into a single Jain identity and society. However, the author considers this impractical, as the roots of sects are too deep, and people's interests and prestige are tied to them.
  • Practical Approach (Phased Unity):
    • Phase 1: Reducing Animosity:
      1. Swiftly resolve disputes over idols, temples, and properties, perhaps through an impartial tribunal or panel of archaeologists and scholars. Disputes with clear factual evidence could be divided.
      2. Cease mutual criticism, pamphleteering, and writing against each other in newspapers.
      3. Organize meetings and joint discourses among the acharyas of different sects, ensuring equal respect and platform.
      4. Celebrate festivals like Mahavir Jayanti and Kshama Pane collectively. Strive for uniformity in festival dates and Samvatsari.
      5. Establish an umbrella organization like India Jain Mahamandal or Jain Mahasabha to resolve disputes, protect common interests, and lay the groundwork for future unity.
    • Phase 2: Merging Sub-sects: Within the Shvetambar tradition, Sthanakvasi, Murti-pujak, and Terapanthis should shed their minor differences to form a unified organization. Similarly, the Digambar tradition should resolve its internal differences. This is difficult but achievable. An expert committee under enlightened monks should draft a code of conduct considering scriptures and current conditions.
    • Phase 3: Ultimate Unification: Once these sub-sect organizations are strengthened, a universally accepted form of Jainism should be presented, leading to the dissolution of individual sect identities into a single federation.

• The Question of Uniformity in Paryushan and Samvatsari:

  • Paryushan is considered a spiritual festival, the "King of Festivals." Ancient scriptures lack specific dates but indicate not to exceed Bhadra Shukla Panchami.
  • Currently, Shvetambara Murti-pujaks celebrate from Bhadra Krishna Dwadashi to Bhadra Shukla Chaturthi, Sthanakvasi and Terapanthis from Bhadra Krishna Trayodashi to Bhadra Shukla Panchami, and Digambaras until Bhadra Shukla Chaturdashi (also known as Dashlakshan Parva).
  • The author analyzes scriptural references, suggesting Paryushan was initially a one-day festival marking the beginning of the rainy season retreat (Varshavas), involving fasting, hair-pulling, annual confession (Samvatsarik Pratikraman), and recitation of the Paryushan Kalpa.
  • The tradition of an eight-day festival (Ashtahnik Mahotsav) is also noted, originating from observations of deities and later adopted by Jains, possibly influencing the current multi-day Paryushan.
  • The author highlights Samvatsari as the most significant day currently.
  • He argues that the Samvatsarik Pratikraman should ideally occur at the end of the year, which was traditionally considered Ashadha Purnima. The current practice of celebrating it on Bhadra Shukla Panchami is questioned as the year does not end then.
  • He posits that Ashadha Purnima was the original date for Paryushan/Samvatsari, which was the "utsarga marg" (ideal path). The later adoption of Bhadra Shukla Panchami (or Chaturthi as per a historical anecdote) was an "apavada marg" (exception).
  • Given that suitable dwelling places are now generally available for monks and nuns, observing the utsarga marg (Ashadha Purnima) is preferable for Jain unity, resolving disputes regarding dual Shravana or Bhadrapada months.
  • If the exception path is to be followed, Bhadra Shukla Panchami is the last acceptable date. The argument for celebrating on Chaturthi due to an incomplete confession is deemed illogical.
  • He concludes that Bhadra Shukla Panchami, which is also a day of forgiveness in the Digambar tradition, can be a common ground for the entire Jain community.

In essence, the book is a profound call for introspection and action within the Jain community. Dr. Sagarmal Jain meticulously diagnoses the deep-rooted issues of sectarianism and casteism, tracing their historical origins and their detrimental impact on Jain society. He passionately advocates for unity, outlining practical steps and a phased approach to overcome these divisions, emphasizing that true Jainism, rooted in non-violence, non-absolutism, and non-possession, demands a unified and harmonious community.