Jain Agamik Vyakhya Sahitya Me Nari Ki Sthiti Ka Mulyankan - Book Summary

Here's a comprehensive summary in English of the provided Jain text, "Jain Agamik Vyakhya Sahitya me Nari ki Sthiti ka Mulyankan" by Sagarmal Jain:

This extensive text by Sagarmal Jain evaluates the status of women in Jain Agamic exegetical literature. It argues that while the Shramanic tradition, including Jainism, inherently promotes equality between men and women, the historical development within the patriarchal Indian cultural context led to certain limitations and shifts in the perception and status of women over time.

The author begins by stating that the Shramanic tradition is characterized by rationality and revolutionary spirit, advocating for egalitarian values over hierarchical and discriminatory concepts. Jainism, as part of this tradition, emphasizes the equality of men and women, rejecting the notion of women as mere slaves or objects of pleasure. However, the text acknowledges that Jainism's growth within a male-dominated Indian society meant it was not entirely unaffected by prevailing Brahmanical traditions, leading to changes in women's status across different periods.

Nature of Agamic Exegetical Literature: The author highlights that Agamic exegetical literature primarily consists of commentaries on the original Agamas, written in Prakrit and Sanskrit. These commentaries often incorporate references from both the Agamic era and the era in which the commentary was written. Additionally, some details found in these commentaries, such as extensive descriptions of figures like Marudevi, Brahmi, Sundari, and female ascetics in the tradition of Parshvanatha, are not directly available in the Agamas or are only hinted at. The author suggests these elaborate accounts might stem from lost earlier literature or oral traditions, rather than being pure imagination of the commentators. This complexity means that the portrayal of women in this literature reflects multiple historical contexts simultaneously.

Chronological Division for Study: For ease of study, the author proposes dividing the period into the following phases:

Pre-Agam Era: Up to the 6th century BCE.
Agam Era: 6th century BCE to the 3rd century CE.
Prakrit Agamic Exegesis Era: 4th to 7th century CE.
Sanskrit Agamic Exegesis and Mythological Literature Era: 8th to 12th century CE.

Challenges in Evaluation: A significant difficulty is that the period for later Agamas and Prakrit/Sanskrit commentaries spans nearly a millennium. Furthermore, not all Jain thinkers within this period held uniform views on women. Differences arose due to variations in socio-cultural conditions between North and South India and the distinct perspectives of the Shvetambara and Digambara traditions. Generally, North Indian Yapaniya and Shvetambara Jains held a more liberal view, while South Indian Digambara Jains were more restrictive, partly due to their emphasis on nudity (acheleta) and prevailing societal norms. The author stresses the need for careful analysis of facts, recognizing that not all references in this literature were necessarily recommended by Jain Acharyas. Examples include mentions of polygamy, prostitution, sati (widow immolation), and the consumption of beef and alcohol, which existed in society but were not condoned by Jainism.

Definition of "Woman" (Nari) in Agamic Exegesis: The text delves into the definition of "woman" as understood by the Agamic commentators. It categorizes women into "dravya-stri" (physical woman) and "bhava-stri" (psychological woman).

Dravya-stri: Refers to the physical characteristics, such as the female reproductive organs.
Bhava-strī: Refers to the natural disposition or desire, particularly sexual desire.

Jain tradition identifies "linga" as the physical structure and "veda" as the sexual desire. The desire of a woman for a male is described as "upal-agnivat" (like a stone-fire), which takes time to ignite but, once ignited, grows and persists with stimulation. While physical structure (linga) and desire (veda) are considered co-occurring, the text notes that desire can cease with spiritual development, whereas physical form remains. In Jain karma theory, "nama karma" is the cause of physical form, and "mohanīya karma" (karma related to delusion and passions) is the cause of desire. Changes in body can alter form, and changes in mental states can alter desire.

Ten Bases for Identifying a Woman: The Sutrakritanga Niyukti lists ten bases for identifying something as female:

Name: A name traditionally associated with women (e.g., Rama, Shyama).
Establishment: Female form in idols or representations (e.g., Goddess Sheetala).
Substance (Dravya): Physical structure indicating femaleness.
Place (Kshetra): Local customs and attire associated with women in a specific region.
Time (Kala): Having attained a female form in the past, present, or future.
Procreative Capacity: Ability to reproduce.
Feminine Actions: Performing duties typically associated with women.
Capacity for Enjoyment: Being enjoyable in a feminine form.
Feminine Qualities: Possessing traits deemed feminine.
Feminine Desire (Bhava): Having sexual desire associated with women.

Negative Portrayal of Women's Character: The text then meticulously details the negative characteristics attributed to women, drawing heavily from the "Tandula Vaicharika" commentary. Women are described with a long list of undesirable traits, including being deceitful, a source of sorrow, the cause of men's ruin, a home of ignorance, an obstacle to religious practice, enemies of ascetics, prone to anger like a venomous serpent, unstable like ocean waves, and untrustworthy. These descriptions are vivid and often use harsh metaphors. The commentary also provides illustrative stories for many of these attributes. Similar negative characterizations are found in other commentaries like Uttaradhyayana Churni, Nishihta Churni, and Achāranga Churni, describing women as fickle, driven by self-interest, easily swayed by small gifts, and deceitful in their thoughts, words, and actions.

Women's Behavior Towards Men: The Sutrakritanga and its commentary vividly depict how women ensnare men and then control them. Once a man is under their influence, they issue commands for him to fetch various items, attend to their needs, procure new clothes, ornaments, perfumes, and cosmetics. They manipulate men's weaknesses to get what they want. This portrayal, though harsh, is acknowledged by the author as reflecting an empirical truth about certain aspects of feminine behavior.

Justification for Negative Portrayal: The author argues that this critical portrayal was primarily intended to foster detachment and renunciation in men, as Jainism is a renunciatory religion. The aim was to present a picture that would discourage worldly attachments. However, this does not mean that Jain Acharyas were blind to the positive aspects of women's character. The Sutrakritanga Niyukti itself states that the character flaws found in women are also present in men, and women aspiring for renunciation should avoid men just as men are advised to avoid women. This suggests the negative portrayal was a means to an end – cultivating detachment. Bhagavati Aradhana also posits that the flaws attributed to women are also found in men, and sometimes more so in powerful men. Therefore, the negative descriptions are viewed as a general observation, not a universal indictment.

Positive Portrayal of Women's Character: The text then shifts to the positive aspects, citing instances where women are praised for their virtues, fame, and even god-like status. Women who gave birth to Tirthankaras, Chakravartis, and great Ganadharas were revered. The text mentions women who observed lifelong chastity, endured widowhood with fortitude, and were blessed with divine favor. Examples are given of women who exhibited extraordinary strength and resilience, unaffected by natural elements or wild animals due to their chastity. The text mentions mothers of great souls like Vāsudevas and Tirthankaras being honored by gods and great men. The example of Krishna visiting his mothers daily is cited. Mahavira is said to have delayed his renunciation until his mother's passing. The revered status of women like Brahmi, Sundari, and Chandana, and the worship of guardian deities like Chakreshwari and Ambika, are highlighted.

Women in Religious Practice and Leadership: The text emphasizes that women were not only capable of spiritual development but also of achieving liberation (Moksha). The concept of "Stri Tirthankara" (female Tirthankara), exemplified by Malli Kumari, is presented as a unique Jain concept that elevates women's dignity, signifying that the highest spiritual state is attainable by both sexes. The author notes that the influence of Hindu traditions, particularly around the Gupta period, led to the prominence of female deities.

The influence of women in guiding men toward the right path is shown through stories of Rajamati advising Muni Ratnami and Brahmi and Sundari advising Muni Bahubali. Laywomen (Shravikas) were also instrumental in guiding men. Queen Kamalavati guided King Ishukar, and laywoman Jayanti engaged in philosophical discourse with Mahavira. The acceptance of female ascetics (Bhikshuni Sangha) and laywomen (Shravika Sangha) into the fourfold Jain order (Chaturvidha Dharmasangha) demonstrates Jainism's commitment to gender equality. The text contrasts this with Buddha's initial hesitation to establish a Bhikshuni Sangha.

A significant piece of evidence for women's importance is the consistently higher number of nuns compared to monks and laywomen compared to laymen throughout history, as recorded in texts like Samavāyanga, Jambudvīpa Prajñapti, Kalpa Sūtra, and Āvaśyaka Niyukti.

Spiritual Equality and Liberation: The text asserts that Jain Agamas clearly state that both men and women are capable of achieving the highest goal of liberation. The concept of "Strī-Siddha" (liberated woman) is mentioned. Numerous women are recorded as having attained liberation in texts like Antakṛtadaśā and its commentaries. The Shvetambara tradition, from Agamic times to the present, accepts the possibility of female liberation. The Yapaniya tradition also acknowledges the potential for spiritual development and liberation in both sexes. No Jain sect is recorded as denying the possibility of women's liberation before the time of Kundakunda in South India around the 5th-6th century CE. Kundakunda argued that women, due to their inability to be nude, could not achieve liberation. This opposition to female liberation later emerged in the Digambara tradition in South India. Shvetambara Acharyas in North India up to the 7th-8th century CE discussed nudity but did not engage in debates about female liberation, indicating the issue arose later there.

The text points out that the denial of female liberation in the Digambara tradition was based on arguments like:

Physical Structure: Women's body cannot remain nude due to potential bleeding, thus preventing complete renunciation of possessions, which is necessary for liberation.
Compassion: Women are primarily compassionate and lack intense negative dispositions, making them ineligible for the lowest hells, and by extension, the highest spiritual states.
Mental Instability: Due to fickle nature, women lack the concentration for meditation, hindering spiritual advancement.
Intellectual Deficiency: Women supposedly lack the argumentative capacity and sharp intellect required for studying texts like Drishtivada.

While Shvetambaras did consider women intellectually less capable for studying certain complex texts (Drishtivada, Arunopapata, Nishihta), they still accepted their capacity for liberation. The text suggests that the denial of women's rights to study certain scriptures might have been influenced by similar trends in Hindu tradition, where women were excluded from Vedic studies.

Social and Familial Status:

Freedom in Marriage: Initially, Jainism was liberal regarding women's freedom in choosing a spouse. Texts like Jñātādharmakatha show women having a say in marriage. However, later exegetical literature shows an increase in marital control and the imposition of religious beliefs by one spouse on another.
Bhikkhuni Sangha Autonomy: While initially the Bhikkhuni Sangha had significant autonomy, its control by the Bhikshu Sangha increased over time. Despite this, Jain Bhikshunis retained more autonomy than their Buddhist counterparts.
Subordination in Practical Life: In practical life, Jain Acharyas were influenced by Hindu traditions, as seen in the Bhavyaśyaka Sūtra, which states women are subordinate to their father, husband, or son, never independent.
Son vs. Daughter: Early Vedic traditions might have accepted equality, but later Hindu practices favored sons for inheritance and rituals. Jainism, however, differed. Agamas show both laymen and laywomen desiring sons and daughters. While sons might have had practical importance in Jain households, in religious life, the emphasis was on individual karma, not offspring. This meant daughters were not seen as less spiritually capable. However, social and economic factors later led to a preference for sons, even within Jainism, during the exegetical periods.
Marriage System: Jainism did not place excessive importance on marriage, viewing it as a last resort for those unable to practice celibacy. The initiation of marriage customs is attributed to Rishabhanatha. Early Jain literature suggests women had more freedom in choosing husbands, and many chose lifelong celibacy. Various forms of marriage, including Svayamvara (bride's choice), Gandharva marriage (love marriage), and arranged marriages, are mentioned, but Jain Acharyas did not explicitly endorse or condemn them. The emphasis was on controlling desires, and marriage was seen as a way to manage them if celibacy was impossible.
Polygamy and Polyandry: Jain traditions, like Hindu ones, generally favored monogamy for women (except for the exception of Draupadi, explained as a result of her past vows). Polygamy for men was prevalent, and the text notes a lack of criticism for this practice in Agamic literature, suggesting a neutral stance. Rishabhanatha's second marriage is explained as a necessity for the protection of his deceased partner's sister. The practice of polygamy for men seems to have become more common due to desire and status rather than a religious duty. While the text mentions men having multiple wives before adopting Jain vows, it finds no instances of men increasing their number of wives after taking vows. Monogamy was the ideal, and the text mentions "paravivahakarana" (marrying another's spouse) as a transgression of the vow of contentment with one's own wife, with scholars interpreting this as having more than one wife. Jainism is not religiously supportive of polygamy.
Widowhood and Remarriage: While niyoga (levirate marriage) and widow remarriage are mentioned in some contexts, they are not supported by Jain Acharyas. Jainism, as a renunciatory religion, encouraged celibacy for widows and widowers. Many widows found refuge and a respectable life in the Bhikshuni Sangha. The text clarifies that Rishabhanatha did not marry a widow but his deceased partner's sister.
Extramarital Relations: Jainism strictly prohibited sexual relations outside of marriage, condemning prostitution and adultery. Despite this, the text acknowledges that even ascetics sometimes engaged in such relationships, as evidenced by numerous accounts in exegetical literature. Many women, including ascetics, fell from their spiritual path. The text notes the vigilance required by nuns to protect themselves from male advances and instances where violated nuns were treated with compassion, and their children were cared for. This underscores the Jain Sangh's commitment to protecting women.
Protection of Women: The Jain Sangh actively protected women. Criticism of a violated nun was punishable. The story of Kalakacharya defending his sister against Gargabhilla illustrates the Sangh's willingness to use force to protect a woman's honor. Killing a wrongdoer to protect a nun's chastity was even condoned and honored. The text emphasizes the priority given to protecting women in crises, even over monks.
Sati (Widow Immolation): The text explicitly states that there are no instances of wives immolating themselves with their husbands' bodies in Jain Agamic and exegetical literature. While one mention exists of wives burning themselves with their merchants husbands due to royal decree, Jain Acharyas do not support this. The text suggests Jain Acharyas viewed voluntary self-immolation as foolish. The concept of "Sati" in Jain tradition refers to maintaining chastity, not burning on the funeral pyre. The author posits that the absence of sati practice in Jainism is due to its renunciatory nature and the social recognition of women's capability to manage families and businesses after widowhood. The Bhikshuni Sangha provided refuge for widows, thus negating the need for such practices. The text highlights that even when a queen contemplated sati, she abandoned it due to the absence of the custom in her lineage, indicating Jain Acharyas' opposition.
Status of Courtesans: Courtesans were part of Indian society, and their status within Jainism was debated. While the Agamas prohibited associating with prostitutes for lay followers, some ascetics of the Pāśva tradition argued that intercourse with an unmarried woman was not sinful. Mahavira emphasized celibacy. The text explains that prostitutes were considered "parigrahita" (possessed) as they were acquired with money, and thus relations with them were forbidden under the vow of non-possession. Later, any sexual contact with a woman not one's wife was prohibited. Many courtesans maintained their own ethical standards and were respected, with opportunities to enter the Jain Sangh as laywomen. Jain Acharyas were not prejudiced against them and facilitated their upliftment.
Women's Education: Jain Agamas and commentaries indicate that women received proper education. Rishabhanatha taught his daughters Brahmi and Sundari mathematics and script. Jñātādharmakatha mentions 64 arts for women, with details found in commentaries. While men were described with 72 arts, women were educated in domestic skills, arts, music, dance, and languages. The text suggests this education was primarily at home, possibly by elder women or hired servants. No mention of co-education is found. Religious and spiritual education was provided by nuns. While monks could preach to mixed assemblies, direct teaching of women by monks was generally restricted. Nuns, led by senior nuns, provided this education. However, some Acharyas and teachers also instructed women. While women's right to study scriptures like the Angas existed, the study of complex texts like Drishtivada became restricted for women during the exegetical period, possibly due to societal influences and a desire to reserve such knowledge for men. This restriction, the author argues, mirrors the exclusion of women from Vedic studies in Hindu tradition. The author concludes that while women's educational rights were somewhat limited during the exegetical period compared to the Agam and pre-Agam eras, the influence of the prevailing Hindu tradition and the strict adherence to nudity (acheleta) played significant roles in this decline.

Conclusion: The author concludes that while Jainism's foundational principles promote gender equality, the status and rights of women in Jain Agamic exegetical literature show a gradual narrowing of opportunities and freedoms over time, particularly due to socio-cultural influences from the dominant patriarchal Hindu tradition and the specific emphasis on certain practices within Jain sects. Despite these limitations, the Jain tradition, especially the Shvetambara and Yapaniya branches, retained a comparatively more liberal stance on women's potential for spiritual achievement and provided a refuge and structure for women within the Bhikshuni Sangha.