Bal Diksha

Added to library: September 1, 2025

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First page of Bal Diksha

Summary

Here's a comprehensive summary of the Jain text "Bal Diksha" by Sukhlal Sanghavi, based on the provided pages:

The text "Bal Diksha" (Child Initiation/Renunciation) by Sukhlal Sanghavi is a critical examination of the practice of child initiation within Jainism, contextualized within the broader Indian tradition of renunciation. The author argues that while the practice itself isn't new, its current form and the reasons behind it are problematic and potentially harmful to individuals and the Jain community.

Core Argument and Context:

Sanghavi begins by stating that he views the question of child initiation broadly, not limiting it to Jain traditions but recognizing it as a practice present in various ascetic and renunciatory traditions across India since ancient times. He notes that India has a long-standing reputation as a land of renunciation and action, and this duality is reflected in its religious institutions.

He identifies two primary types of religious institutions in India:

  1. Householder-centric: Primarily fostered by Vedic Brahmins, focusing on domestic rituals and societal order.
  2. Renunciation/Wandering-centric: Often emerging from non-Brahmin or ex-Brahmin groups, emphasizing asceticism and spiritual pursuit.

Sanghavi asserts that the concept of the four āshramas (stages of life) is a later development, born from the interaction and conflict between these two primary institutional streams. Initially, those who prioritized the householder's life often looked down upon renunciation. Conversely, proponents of renunciation sometimes placed such a high value on it that it seemed to be the sole purpose of societal life. This interplay led to the eventual integration of both, resulting in the widely accepted four āshrama system.

The Rise of Ascetic Culture and Monastic Orders:

The text highlights the development of "Aranyak," "Tapovan," and "Sant Sanskriti" (Forest Dweller, Hermitage, and Ascetic Culture) rooted in the pursuit of spirituality, contemplation of the soul and the supreme being, and diverse paths to achieving this. This ascetic culture, irrespective of language, caste, or creed, naturally attracted common people. As this following grew, various sub-sects and practices emerged, emphasizing different aspects like penance, meditation, devotion, service, nudity, specific garments, or living in cemeteries or caves.

These ascetic groups, sensing the need for a unified structure to propagate their teachings and attract followers, formed Sanghas (organizations or monastic orders). The fundamental need for these Sanghas was the acquisition of worthy disciples, as ascetics, being householders without progeny, required successors to continue their work. Sanghavi points out that in ancient India, the circumstances were conducive to the flourishing of such Sanghas, with simple lifestyles, retreats away from urban distractions, and the life-giving company of true ascetics. This led to the emergence of various monastic orders like those of Mahavir, Buddha, Goshala, and others, spread across the land.

Child Initiation: A Practice with Deep Roots:

Sanghavi explicitly states that the practice of child initiation is not new. He acknowledges that disciples attracted to the brilliance, knowledge of time and place, and scholarship of their gurus entered these monastic orders at young ages, some as young as 6 or 10, including unmarried, young, and married individuals. Similarly, women also joined Bhikkhuni Sanghas (nuns' orders) in various states of life. This practice existed not only in Jainism but also in Buddhist, Sankhya, and Ajivika traditions. Therefore, no one can claim that child initiation is a novel or non-traditional practice.

The Crux of the Opposition: Untimely and Inappropriate Initiation:

While acknowledging the legitimacy of initiation for self-purification and various forms of sadhana (spiritual practice) that benefit society, Sanghavi clarifies that the current opposition is not to initiation itself or to initiated individuals, but specifically to initiation given prematurely ("akal mein di jane wali diksha"). He questions why this opposition is so strong now from those who otherwise respect initiation and initiated individuals.

Critique of Child Initiation in Jainism:

Sanghavi then delves into specific objectives of initiation and critically analyzes how child initiation has met these objectives within the Jain tradition, drawing comparisons with Brahminical and Buddhist traditions.

  • Education (Shastra-abhyas): He notes that Brahmins traditionally send their sons for Vedic education from around age ten. While Jainism also has pathways for scriptural study, Sanghavi argues that Jainism has failed to produce scholars comparable to their Brahmin counterparts, despite the availability of resources and the suitability of childhood for learning. He states that the educational objective of child initiation in Jainism has remained largely unfulfilled, leading to a dependence on Brahmin scholars.

  • Penance and Renunciation (Tapa and Tyaga): Sanghavi observes that Jain ascetics engage in severe external penances. However, he believes Jainism has failed to grasp the essence of Mahavir's penance, focusing solely on outward austerity rather than the internal aspects like self-study and meditation. He suggests that Jain ascetics are even behind non-Jain ascetics in terms of extreme body-control and external penance. He criticizes the glorification of external penance without proper internal development.

  • Spirituality (Adhyatmikta) – Meditation and Yoga: This is highlighted as a major objective. Sanghavi questions whether any Jain initiated individuals truly understand the process of meditation and yoga, or even if they have thoroughly studied the relevant literature. He points out that the descriptions of "Shukla Dhyana" (pure meditation) in Jain scriptures remain unchanged after centuries, indicating a lack of progress or deeper understanding. He attributes the stagnation of spiritual and mental development in initiated individuals to gurus lacking a thorough understanding of these practices.

Additional Reasons for Opposition:

Sanghavi identifies two more critical reasons for his opposition to child initiation:

  1. The Environment: In ancient times, Jain gurus and ascetics resided in forests and wilderness, away from the corrupting influences of cities. Today, however, many Jain gurus and ascetics are drawn to cities and towns, which are filled with temptations. He argues that if even those at higher spiritual stages can be affected by worldly temptations, it's unrealistic to expect children or young ascetics, who are far from truly attaining higher spiritual stages, to maintain their spiritual purity in such environments. He questions whether simply changing attire and seeking refuge in a monastery offers protection against mental corruption.

  2. The Lifelong Vow and its Consequences: Jain initiation typically involves a lifelong commitment. If an initiated individual, especially a minor who later finds it difficult to adhere to the vows, wishes to leave the ascetic life, they face societal disdain and find it hard to reintegrate into society or find a profession. This often leads to a dual tragedy: either they live a life of hypocrisy and hidden indulgence within the ascetic garb or they leave and face societal ostracism. Sanghavi strongly condemns the spread of unnatural physical relationships in society, attributing a significant role in this to premature and immature initiations.

Proposed Solutions and Reforms:

Sanghavi believes that if a change is to occur, initiation itself should be conditional:

  • Monastic life should be like living in the wilderness.
  • Ascetics should eat only once a day and sleep for just three hours, dedicating the rest of the time to self-study.
  • They should either embrace nudity (Digambaratva) or wear simple, hand-spun Khadi garments. He questions the prestige associated with fine fabrics like mulmul or silk among ascetics and acharyas, calling it incongruous with a renunciatory path.
  • Most importantly, initiated individuals (regardless of age) should not live a life of hypocrisy. There should be no lifelong vow. They should be free to leave the ascetic life if they are not content and embrace any lifestyle they choose, without societal condemnation. Society should provide assurance and support, especially for nuns wishing to return to householder life, to help them avoid negative emotional states. He suggests adopting a rule similar to Buddhism, where lifelong vows are not mandatory, and the duration of the vow can be gradually increased as the disciple matures.

Critique of the "Quantity Over Quality" Mentality and Societal Impact:

Sanghavi criticizes the tendency of gurus and monastic heads to focus on the sheer number of disciples rather than their spiritual development. He notes that societal prestige is often linked to the size of one's following, and disciples themselves take pride in the large numbers within their sect. However, he laments that no one openly discusses how many disciples leave their vows and why, leaving the lay community in the dark. He argues that this lack of transparency and accountability is weakening the Jain community and eroding the faith of discerning individuals.

He concludes by stating that without addressing the true reasons for renunciation and holding gurus accountable for the negative consequences of ill-considered initiations, the religious fervor and the community's strength cannot be preserved. He implies that the current practices are not only detrimental to religion and society but to humanity itself. He reiterates that he supports initiation and respects initiated individuals but finds the current methods of giving and living the initiated life to be useless and even harmful.